Setting a dangerous precedent: 16-year-old Ali Shamlawi faces 25 counts of attempted murder for alleged stone throwing

Three months ago today, in the early hours of March, 17 2013, Israeli soldiers appeared at 16-year- old Ali Shamlawi’s house in the West Bank village of Hares. They blindfolded him, handcuffed him and took him away. His arrest was one of a spate of arrests in March of this year which saw 19 boys, aged 16 and 17 years old, arrested for throwing stones which were alleged to have caused a traffic accident on Route 5, a large road which cuts through the West Bank to service illegal Israeli settlements.

Hares is a village of 4,000 people south of the city of Nablus in the West Bank. Illegal Israeli settlements – including Ariel, the second-largest settlement in the West Bank – have been built on agricultural land confiscated from Hares. The traffic accident in question occurred on March 14 when a car carrying a mother and her three daughters from Ariel crashed into the back of a truck on Route 5 near Hares, after the truck had braked suddenly. The youngest daughter was critically injured in the crash. The driver of the truck initially attributed the sudden breaking to a flat tire but later claimed he braked suddenly when stones hit his truck.

Locals who were at the scene of the accident moments after it occurred were interviewed by the International Women’s Peace Service (IWPS) and reported that they did not see any youth in the vicinity. However in the weeks since the accident, 61 witnesses from surrounding illegal settlements have come forward claiming their cars were also damaged by stones thrown by Palestinian youth from the side of the road. These settlers claim that Palestinian boys were 5-10 metres from the side of the road but these allegations have never been verified by the extensive CCTV footage in the area.

Since the initial arrests, 14 of the Palestinian boys have been released. However, five boys, including Ali Shamlawi, remain in prison three months later. Along with the other boys, Ali is being charged with 25 separate counts of attempted murder (one for each individual stone he allegedly threw) and is facing 25 years to life imprisonment.

Last Thursday on June 13th, Ali was in court again for his sixth hearing. Having applied to attend the hearing in advance, I was informed the night before that permission had not been granted because it would be a closed hearing – something all too common in Israeli military courts. Ali’s lawyers have since confirmed that at the hearing his detention was extended to July 25th in order for the defense team to be able to consider all evidence being used against him.

Along with the 61 “witnesses” mentioned above, the prosecution’s evidence consists of confessions from the boys. The lawyers and NGOs working on the case insist that these confessions were forced under extreme duress and are therefore inadmissible. 16-year-old Ali was held in solitary confinement for two weeks after his arrest and denied access to a lawyer for the first few days. He was interrogated for up to 20 hours at a time and beaten. Until last week, he was also denied visitation from his family. Ali’s lawyers submitted a complaint on May 15th about the circumstances of his interrogation and torture but are still waiting to hear back from the military police investigation.

Interviews carried out by IWPS with some of the boys already released by Israel show further mistreatment of children in custody. One of the 19 boys arrested was hospitalised after being beaten by interrogators, while another reports being kept alone in a small cell where bright lights shone continuously and being threatened with harm to him and his family. Indeed, such allegations come on the heels of a February 2013 report by UNICEF which firmly concluded that “the ill-treatment of children who come in contact with the [Israeli] military detention system appears to be widespread, systematic and institutionalised throughout the process…”

It is not just the treatment of these children during interrogation that should raise questions. Despite being only 16 years old, Ali is being tried as an adult in Israeli military court; while illegal Israeli settlers in the West Bank are subject to Israeli civil law, Palestinians living in the same area are subject to strict Israeli military law. Under this law, Palestinian youth can be sentenced to up to 20 years in prison for throwing stones at vehicles. Twenty years in prison for throwing stones would be considered harsh in even some of the world’s strictest regimes, but this case sets an even more dangerous precedent: the Israeli courts are charging these five boys not with stone-throwing but with attempted murder.

If the sentence is passed, this case could set a legal precedent which would allow the Israeli military to try any Palestinian youth with attempted murder for incidents of stone-throwing. While the evidence against the boys is tenuous at best (and downright illegal at worst), statistics on conviction rates in Israeli military courts do not bode well for the boys. According to a 2010 internal IDFreport, the military court system used to try Palestinians has a 99.7% conviction rate (In 2010, that meant only 25 full acquittals out of 9,542 cases).These highly troubling statistics expose the discrimination inherent in the Israeli judicial system when compared with similar statistics on settler attacks on Palestinians. A 2011 UN OCHA report revealed that over 90% of monitored complaints of settler violence filed by Palestinians with the Israeli police were closed without indictment.

With conviction rates of almost 100%, allegations of torture against children, and systematic discrimination against Palestinians, it is high time that Israel is held to account for the violations of international law endemic to its military detention and judicial systems.

For now, Ali must wait until July 25th to appear in court again, not knowing whether he will spend the rest of his life behind bars. This case has until now received little media attention. But for those of us who respect due process and human rights, it is time to speak up.

Addameer, IWPS and Defence for Children International are working with Ali’s lawyers on this case.

By Katherine Flynn

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Hassan Karajah’s military court hearing

Hassan Karajah s hearing Katie Harrison2 Hassan Karajah’s military court hearing

(Image: Stop the wall)

Tuesday, June 4th was the latest hearing in the case of the detained human rights defender Hassan Karajah. Before the hearing I met with Hassan’s fiancé Sundos who told me about Hassan and his case. Sundos and Hassan were engaged in December 2012, just one month before his arrest, and had planned to be married at the end of this month. Unfortunately, they must now wait until Hassan is released to have their wedding. Hassan has been detained by Israel since the Israeli military took him from his home in the early hours of 23rd January 2013 [1]. For the first thirty-nine days of his detention, Hassan was kept in solitary confinement and interrogated for fourteen to twenty hours each day. During this time he was held in a two meter by two meter cell, barely big enough to fit his body. For the first twenty days of his detention, Hassan was denied access to his lawyer.

Hassan was transferred from Beer Sheva prison in the Negev Desert, where he is currently being held, to Ofer military court for Tuesday’s hearing. In Beer Sheva Hassan shares a cell with seven other prisoners; they receive enough food for two of them and must share it between all eight. When Hassan was brought into the courtroom, it was obvious that his physical condition has deteriorated since his arrest; he has lost a lot of weight and two teeth, and the brutal interrogation process has significantly aggravated his nerve damage. Hassan was not permitted to take his prescribed medication with him on the night of his arrest and was initially denied his medication in prison. Under pressure from his lawyer, prison officials eventually gave him the correct medicine but at half the prescribed dosage. Hassan is therefore currently not taking any medication for his condition, instead exercising inside the prison to try and rehabilitate himself.

Hassan is a respected and admired human rights defender whose most recent position was youth coordinator for the Stop the Wall campaign, a grassroots organisation seeking to tear down the illegal apartheid wall that Israel has been constructing on Palestinian land since 2002. Hassan previously worked as a youth coordinator for the Partnership for Development Project, an umbrella group for three Palestinian civil society organisations: Tamer Institution, Ma’an Development Centre and Bissan Centre for Research and Development. He was also a youth ambassador for the Arab Thought Forum and represented Palestinian youth in the many Arab League Conferences in Syria, Lebanon, Tunisia, Turkey, Sweden and Austria. It is highly likely that these activities and particularly his overseas travel placed Hassan on the Israeli radar and led to his arrest. Arbitrary arrest is a risk that Palestinians must consciously take in order to resist illegal Israeli occupation and defend their internationally sanctioned human rights.

On the day of Hassan’s hearing I met Sundos outside the military court whilst we waited to enter. Expecting the trial to be a rather sombre affair, I was surprised to find her happy and joyful; she was visibly excited to be able to see Hassan for the first time since his last hearing in April. Hassan’s father also attended the hearing on Tuesday, seeing his son for the first time since Hassan’s arrest in January. Hassan’s family, like many Palestinian families, are not unfamiliar with the imprisonment of their loved ones in Israeli jail. Hassan’s younger sister Sumoud was released as part of a prisoner exchange in 2011 after serving two years of a twenty year sentence, and his brother Muntasser was arrested in September 2012 and sentenced to ten months in prison and a 2000 shekel fine [2].

Hassan has been held for over four months and is still awaiting his sentencing. The allegations against him include membership in the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP), an illegal organisation according to Israeli law along with all other Palestinian political parties. Hassan is also charged with harbouring ties to the militant group Hezbollah, deemed an enemy of Israel. The evidence behind these charges is extremely tenuous: Hassan arranged a sound system for a PFLP party and took a trip to Lebanon, where Hezbollah is based, in 2012. On Tuesday, at the request of his defense team, Hassan’s court hearing was postponed until July 9th to give the defense an opportunity to contest the evidence against him. Thus, Hassan’s family and friends must wait at least another three weeks for a verdict.

Hassan’s arrest is part of Israel’s deliberate repression of Palestinian human rights defenders involved in activism against the occupation. Stop the Wall has been the target of Israeli repression before: the organisation’s Ramallah offices were raided by the Israeli military in May 2012 and two laptops, three hard drives and ten memory cards were stolen3. Nor is Hassan the first of the campaign’s prominent members to be arrested: both the coordinator, Jamal Juma, and the previous youth coordinator, Mohammed Othman, were arrested in 2009 and later released without charge [4].

In an interview published by Electronic Intifada before his arrest, Hassan predicted that Stop the Wall would face further repression by Israel as the youth movement against the occupation continues to grow.  He remained undeterred:

“We are apparently asked to sit at home and watch our last lands being confiscated, our homes demolished and thousands of Palestinians being taken away to Israeli jails, many even without trials or charges. But we will not sit at home and we will not be silent.” [5]

During his short appearance in the military courtroom, Hassan remained defiant, joking and laughing. As he left the courtroom he raised two fingers in the peace sign to his supporters, a gesture of solidarity in resistance.

Notes

[1] link to stopthewall.org01/23/free-human-rights-defender-and-stop-wall-activist-hassan-karajah

[2] http://www.addameer.org/etemplate.php?id=562

[3] http://electronicintifada.net/blogs/maureen-clare-murphy/israeli-forces-raid-ramallah-offices-stop-wall-steal-computers-and-hard

[4] link to www.waronwant.orglatest-news/16758-free-the-anti-wall-activists

[5] http://electronicintifada.net/content/we-will-not-be-silenced-stop-wall-youth-activist-speaks-repression-and-resistance/11304

By Katie Harrison

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The very first right to education podcast!

We are really excited to share with you the first in a new series of podcasts. During this series we will be interviewing young palestinians from across the west bank to share their first hand accounts of how the human right to education is being violated in Palestine.

We interviewed Shoruq, a young palestinian women for our first podcast and she told us the story of how imprisonment by the occupying forces broke her brothers academic hopes.

Please listen here & share to raise awareness

The right 2 education team

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NEW REPORT: Palestinian Academia Undermined

birzeit uni NEW REPORT: Palestinian Academia Undermined(Photo: Birzeit University)

The Right to Enter Campaign last week launched a new report entitled: ‘Academia Undermined: Israeli Restrictions on Foreign National Academics in Palestinian Higher Education Institutions’. Right to Education volunteer Ruhan Nagra served as field researcher on the report.

Executive Summary

The quality of Palestinian education and higher education in particular, has been very negatively impacted by the prolonged Israeli military occupation. Schools and universities have been closed for extended periods. Students, staff and faculty have had restricted access to schools and institutions of higher education due to the pervasive and arbitrary Israeli regime of internal movement restrictions. The impacts on all levels of education have been well documented.

This report focuses on only one of the many problems related to movement and access restrictions that affect the quality of and access to education in the occupied Palestinian territories (oPt): the implications of Israeli restrictions on entry and residency for foreign academics wishing to serve at institutes of higher education operating in the (oPt). It is important to note that the term “foreign” is something of a misnomer: Israel treats all individuals without an Israeli-issued identity card [“hawiyya”] as a foreigner even if they are of Palestinian origin and even if they and/or their parents are born in Palestine. Thus “foreign” academics refers to anyone who does not hold a Palestinian identity card and must therefore enter the oPt on a foreign passport regardless of whether or not they
are of Palestinian origin. “Foreign” academics or “foreign” nationals could therefore be of
Palestinian origin (as is frequently the case) or have no Palestinian roots.

The report details

  • The impact on the quality of education provided, and
  • The impact of the isolation of Palestinian academia from the broader academic community on the development of their academic institutions and educational development in general.

Read the full report here

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